If you've told everybody you're buccaneering out into the "big wide world", you can't really avoid egg on your face if your masterplan is thwarted by Ireland. Not to say that there won't be places where that horrible shit will run, but you don't win West Midlands marginals and commuter towns by making people poorer and blaming Ireland. Or Maltese or Walloons or whoever else they plan to pin the blame on.
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The Brexit Thread
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40 years ago having an Irish accent could get you into all sorts of bother in many British cities, including Brum. The average Brit's total ignorance of their nearest neighbour just means you can say all kinds of outrageous shite about those ungrateful micks, and lots of folk will lap it up. Brendan O'Neill and Ruth Jaffa Edwards are probably already penning their first of many self-hating Irish pieces on dastardly Varadkar.Last edited by Lang Spoon; 15-08-2017, 18:26.
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Some people are getting a crash course in how things work then.
Anyone following James Chapman on Twitter. Former Chief of Staff to David Davies now throwing all sorts of things around on Twitter that could be classed as inside knowledge.
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He is dishing out the dirt nicely but no big revelations, DD as a lazy, arrogant lush is not much of a surprise.
I am just wondering to what degree the EU is preparing for the worse case scenario. I know major European corps with a presence in the UK are being briefed.
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Think I've already vented my feelings on Conway. Has a look of gym and coke. The kind of bloke who starts declaiming at dinner parties with phrases like "Look, everyone knows that's just..", "Let's face it..".
One of my biggest Brexit fears is Dublin becoming unbearably full of cunts that resemble my probably spurious prejudices against Ed Conway.
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Christ, this one's even more vapid.
Along with many other Member States, controlling access to the labour market and social security have long formed an integral part of the UK’s immigration system. The nature of this range of control mechanisms means that the UK is confident that it will be able to: maintain existing movement to the UK from within the CTA without requiring border controls, as now; respect Ireland’s ongoing EU free movement obligations; and put in place a new UK immigration system and controls for EEA citizens.
And on goods:48.
Under this arrangement, the UK believes it would still need to go further to agree specific facilitations that recognise the unique circumstances of the Northern Ireland-Ireland border. As the principles above outline, these facilitations will need to go beyond existing precedents and should be developed in a flexible and imaginative way. One potential approach that the UK intends to explore further with the EU is a cross-border trade exemption that would recognise the unique economic, social and cultural context of the land border and the fact that many of the movements of goods across it by smaller traders cannot be properly categorised and treated as economically significant international trade. Such an exemption would ensure that smaller traders could continue to operate as they do now, with no new requirements in relation to customs processes. It is important to note that in 2015, over 80 per cent of North to South trade was carried out by micro, small and medium sized businesses.37 They are, in effect, examples of local trade in local markets.
49.
For those businesses not eligible for this exemption, the UK would explore with the EU how to ensure that administrative processes could be significantly streamlined. In our paper on future customs arrangements, the UK sets out the UK-EU wide option of negotiating mutual recognition of Authorised Economic Operators (AEOs), enabling faster clearance of AEO goods at the border. In relation to Northern Ireland and Ireland, the UK would want to explore even further streamlined processes for businesses, including for ‘trusted traders’ on either side of the border who did not qualify for the cross-border trade exemption. This could, for example, allow for simplified customs procedures, such as reduced declaration requirements and periodic payment of duty. The UK would test any new approach against our proposed principles above, including the essential aim of no physical infrastructure at the border.
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One option for achieving our objectives could be regulatory equivalence on agri-food measures, where the UK and the EU agree to achieve the same outcome and high standards, with scope for flexibility in relation to the method for achieving this
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- Jan 2012
- 3291
- Worthing
- The Hammers, until Mark Noble goes.(he's still there, sort of)
- Garibaldi, dipped in tea.
News and current affairs. If not closure, replace all of the editors, reporters and presenters, and then advertise their jobs on a biannual basis. Then we won't get impregnable dinosaurs that go on and on for years, that supposedly offer 'authority' but just represent stasis.
Admittedly, I haven't thought through the practical implications of this...
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Those position papers are just released for domestic audiences, to show how reasonnable the UK are and how inflexible the EU is when it does turn down the asinine magical thinking propositions they are given for obvious and logical reasons.
Emotions ("Look, we can make it happen, an open border between NI and Irl is what's needed for peace and harmony" vs Logic ("It would effectively give licence to a non EU country, one that could position itself as a low tax/VAT base to flood the SM with goods and defeat the entire purpose of the SM")....
Only one winner on that one, just like the referendum
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